Content
About this brief
Kurdish Youth and Civic Culture: Support for Democracy Among Kurdish and non-Kurdish Youth in Iraq
Brief about:
Chapter in an Edited Book (2021)
Written by:
Based on merged data from the World Value Survey and Arab Barometer data from 2010 to 2018 in Iraq, this research examined civic cultural attitudes. So it looked at whether there was a correlation between trust in institutions and staying informed on politics, and the effect of these variables on support for a democratic system versus an autocratic system.
By harmonising all the existing data, I wanted to understand the differences across demographics. I wanted to see whether there were differences between generations (born before and after 1991 – 1991 being the year when the Kurdish autonomy was established) , between gender, and whether they are from a Kurdish region or not.
Key findings
- Survey data from the Kurdish region is heavily underrepresented.What it means
When doing this research it was very unclear whether interview questions are in a standardized way and even asked in the Kurdish language. This would be a problem as most people in this region only speak Kurdish, and it is only the older generation who can speak Arabic.
- The man who was contracted to conduct the survey for the World Value Survey and the Arab barometer was an Iraqi Arab.What it means
In his code book it should say how many people were answering in which language, but this was unclear. In the Arab questionnaire, it has standardised questions. But it is still unknown if there are standardised Kurdish questions. Because these are sensitive questions, not having a standardised version might mean the questions are understood differently. For example the question "Do you have trust in the armed forces" - could be understood as either the Iraqi army (which they do not necessarily have good relations with) or the Peshmerga forces (the Kurdish army). The data was not numerically underrepresented, but there was a lot of non responses and a lack of clarity on many things. The survey is also based on the assumption that they are speaking with Arabs only.
- Policymakers find it hard to find answers and understand debates within Iraqi Kurdistan because of the Sorani, Kurdish dialect that they speak.What it means
So it is hard to have a real image of what the people really say and think. Especially as most of the data is collected in Erbil or Sulaymaniyah, so you do not know exactly how it is stratified - how many are urban versus rural, how many are higher income versus lower income.
- For both the Kurdish and non-Kurdish in Iraq, being female had a significantly positive effect on support for democracy.What it means
This is a timely finding because of the rapid political and social violence against women, the rampant sexism that is happening in public media and Iraq femicides that are happening.
Proposed action
- Since 2005, fewer and fewer people are voting, and that has a lot to do with the reality that the political parties are representing the needs of the elite
So people when they vote, do not feel they are voting to change something. Instead, they are voting to give some on paper legitimacy to the groups that protect their wealth, weapons, and influence as militia. This is the elitism that needs to be fought against.
- Western diplomacy needs to find a middle ground between a George Bush kind of interventionism and this type of fatalism - where they start aligning to the customs and essentializing the region
For example many female diplomats feel the need to put on a headscarf when they meet specific political leaders although there is no obligation to do so. Especially religious militia leaders thrive of such situations because they prove that they can make everyone follow their rules. This appeasement, however, is not only not needed but not helpful.
- The youth have articulated a lot of things that they want from the protests
changing the voting system, changing the party law, more transparency, working against corruption cases, having a systemic change.
- Working against corruption would make it easier for young people to start businesses
At the moment if someone wants to start a business then they have to go through so many layers of political elites that they have to give money to, or give a share. This needs to be changed. There has to be opportunities for private market.
- The banking system needs reform and needs stable Iraqi banks
Turkish banks should not take over the country.
- The Iraqi system needs to be strengthened so young people have access to the international market
- Labour laws and labour unions need to be established
There is almost no labour union organisation in the country, and this shapes how young people and women are experiencing the work place. Because ultimately it is the work space that influences them. You need feminism at the workplace.
- However until such systemic changes come through, there should be a chance for people under special danger to find refuge
Western countries must create transparent possibilities to flee when their security is at risk.
- For the average upper class Iraqi person, they can easily get a Schengen visa to have a summer holiday in Europe without any problems
However, for the cases of women that literally get chased after houses that are under imminent risk of being killed, they do not know what to do and don't know how to escape the country. Corruption in the Visa distribution system needs to be tackled.
- International organisations, international groups, embassies, and consulates need to repair their reputation of also being corrupt
The corruption does not end at Iraqi institutions, and until they begin to lead by example then no change will start. An old example is the Oil-For-Food-Programme run by the UN and led by Kofi Annan's son that was involved in the scheme that made Saddam Hussein rich.
Comments
You must log in to ask a question
Acknowledgements
Thank you to KPSRL
These insights were made available thanks to the support of KPSRL, who are committed to the dissemination of knowledge for all.
Are you a researcher looking to make a real-world impact? Join Acume and transform your research into a practical summary.
Already have an account? Log in
Discover more
Kurdish Youth and Civic Culture: Support for Democracy Among Kurdish and non-Kurdish Youth in Iraq
Cite this brief: Jasim, Dastan. 'Kurdish Youth and Civic Culture: Support for Democracy Among Kurdish and non-Kurdish Youth in Iraq'. Acume. https://www.acume.org/r/kurdish-youth-and-civic-culture-support-for-democracy-among-kurdish-and-non-kurdish-youth-in-iraq/
Brief created by: Dastan Jasim | Year brief made: 2023
Original research:
- Jasim, D., Kurdish Youth and Civic Culture: Support for Democracy Among Kurdish and non-Kurdish Youth in Iraq https://doi.org/10.11576/ijcv-5520. – https://www.ceeol.com/search/chapter-detail?id=977514
Research brief:
Based on merged data from the World Value Survey and Arab Barometer data from 2010 to 2018 in Iraq, this research examined civic cultural attitudes. So it looked at whether there was a correlation between trust in institutions and staying informed on politics, and the effect of these variables on support for a democratic system…
By harmonising all the existing data, I wanted to understand the differences across demographics. I wanted to see whether there were differences between generations (born before and after 1991 – 1991 being the year when the Kurdish autonomy was established) , between gender, and whether they are from a Kurdish region or not.
Findings:
Survey data from the Kurdish region is heavily underrepresented.
When doing this research it was very unclear whether interview questions are in a standardized way and even asked in the Kurdish language. This would be a problem as most people in this region only speak Kurdish, and it is only the older generation who can speak Arabic.
The man who was contracted to conduct the survey for the World Value Survey and the Arab barometer was an Iraqi Arab.
In his code book it should say how many people were answering in which language, but this was unclear. In the Arab questionnaire, it has standardised questions. But it is still unknown if there are standardised Kurdish questions. Because these are sensitive questions, not having a standardised version might mean the questions are understood differently. For example the question “Do you have trust in the armed forces” – could be understood as either the Iraqi army (which they do not necessarily have good relations with) or the Peshmerga forces (the Kurdish army). The data was not numerically underrepresented, but there was a lot of non responses and a lack of clarity on many things. The survey is also based on the assumption that they are speaking with Arabs only.
Policymakers find it hard to find answers and understand debates within Iraqi Kurdistan because of the Sorani, Kurdish dialect that they speak.
So it is hard to have a real image of what the people really say and think. Especially as most of the data is collected in Erbil or Sulaymaniyah, so you do not know exactly how it is stratified – how many are urban versus rural, how many are higher income versus lower income.
For both the Kurdish and non-Kurdish in Iraq, being female had a significantly positive effect on support for democracy.
This is a timely finding because of the rapid political and social violence against women, the rampant sexism that is happening in public media and Iraq femicides that are happening.
Advice:
Since 2005, fewer and fewer people are voting, and that has a lot to do with the reality that the political parties are representing the needs of the elite
- So people when they vote, do not feel they are voting to change something. Instead, they are voting to give some on paper legitimacy to the groups that protect their wealth, weapons, and influence as militia. This is the elitism that needs to be fought against.
Western diplomacy needs to find a middle ground between a George Bush kind of interventionism and this type of fatalism – where they start aligning to the customs and essentializing the region
- For example many female diplomats feel the need to put on a headscarf when they meet specific political leaders although there is no obligation to do so. Especially religious militia leaders thrive of such situations because they prove that they can make everyone follow their rules. This appeasement, however, is not only not needed but not helpful.
The youth have articulated a lot of things that they want from the protests
- changing the voting system, changing the party law, more transparency, working against corruption cases, having a systemic change.
Working against corruption would make it easier for young people to start businesses
- At the moment if someone wants to start a business then they have to go through so many layers of political elites that they have to give money to, or give a share. This needs to be changed. There has to be opportunities for private market.
The banking system needs reform and needs stable Iraqi banks
- Turkish banks should not take over the country.
The Iraqi system needs to be strengthened so young people have access to the international market
Labour laws and labour unions need to be established
- There is almost no labour union organisation in the country, and this shapes how young people and women are experiencing the work place. Because ultimately it is the work space that influences them. You need feminism at the workplace.
However until such systemic changes come through, there should be a chance for people under special danger to find refuge
- Western countries must create transparent possibilities to flee when their security is at risk.
For the average upper class Iraqi person, they can easily get a Schengen visa to have a summer holiday in Europe without any problems
- However, for the cases of women that literally get chased after houses that are under imminent risk of being killed, they do not know what to do and don’t know how to escape the country. Corruption in the Visa distribution system needs to be tackled.
International organisations, international groups, embassies, and consulates need to repair their reputation of also being corrupt
- The corruption does not end at Iraqi institutions, and until they begin to lead by example then no change will start. An old example is the Oil-For-Food-Programme run by the UN and led by Kofi Annan’s son that was involved in the scheme that made Saddam Hussein rich.