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Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change

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Journal Article (2018)

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Journal Article (2016)

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Peter Klepeis
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Orlowska, Izabela. 'Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change'. Acume. https://www.acume.org/r/ethiopian-church-forests-a-socio-religious-conservation-model-under-change/

 This study investigates church forests in northern Ethiopia. It sheds light on how these dynamic socio-religious spaces preserve these unique surviving pockets of the endemic native forests, but at the same time present a threat to its survival. It contributes to the understanding of the little known interaction between church forest communities and their environment.

Some of the remaining native trees in Ethiopia are forests surrounding churches of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. Although these remming patches of biodiversity have survived for centuries, they face a number of threats as well as new opportunities due to changes in the economic well-being and social practices of the communities that attend those churches and actively use their forest for socioreligious practices.

This study was motivated by the need to better understand the connection between religiously motivated practices that appear to have resulted in the survival of the native trees in this part of Ethiopia.

 

Ethiopian Orthodox church and an aerial photograph of a church surrounded by trees
Ethiopian Orthodox church and an aerial photograph of a church surrounded by trees
Community meeting, blessing of the bread before the feast
Community meeting, blessing of the bread before the feast
Eating to praise saints and receive blessings, meeting in a built structure in a church forests
Eating to praise saints and receive blessings, meeting in a built structure in a church forests

Key findings

  1. Church forests are protected as a direct result of a unique socio-religious conservation model based on traditional belief system of the Ethiopian Tewahdo Orthodox Church that considers church forests extensions of churches, infused with the divine powers radiating from the core of the church. The preservation of these forests is not an active act of ecological preservation.
    Evidence

    Today there are some 8,000 church forests in the Amhara Regional State, located in the highlands of northern Ethiopia. In a 30,000 km2 section of the South Gondar Zone, located in the geographic center of the State, church forests have an average size of around 5 ha.13 While only four out of 1,022 church forests disappeared from within this swath between 1962 and 2012, suggesting stability in ecological conditions, there was an average 16.9% decrease in crown closure over the same time period and signs of significant human disturbance (e.g. trails, gravestones, structures, gathering areas, planted exotic tree species, and weedy taxa) are plentiful in a representative sample of 29 church forests. In addition, in the 1930s there was a buffer of bushland between the church forest edge and surrounding agricultural and grazing land, which has since dis- appeared and that may threaten the ecological integrity of the church forest.

    What it means

    This new and a key funding sets Ethiopian church forests apart from other natural sacred place, where often the trees or other natural landmarks are believed to have supernatural qualities. The evidence suggest that church forests are not in acute danger as the existing tradition model seems to have preserved the forests quite well, but there is evidence of change and an increase of new practices (such as eucalyptus planting) that might threaten church forest in the near future.

  2. Church forest communities have preserved core religious ideas allowing forest protection throughout their history
    Evidence

    Church forest grounds are used regularly and in specific ways by the congregation,whose members organise themselves into associations (mehabirs) affiliated with a particu- lar saint. Mehabir members meet within the forest to celebrate a chosen patron saint and to commemorate them by feasting together. Feeding others and providing drink is seen as a way to worship saints and help the dead in their arduous journey to heaven.

    What it means

    this suggest durability and strength of the existing interaction between church forests communities and they environment.

    Research on commensality (eating and drink- ing together) shows that it is a catalyst for other forms of cooperation and strengthens social capital, which is consistent with our argument that church forests help foster social capital in the community.church forests are places where the social and the spiritual merge, which creates an environment conducive to strong social capital. They are places of interaction with neighbours, saints, and secular authorities and form the central place for local communities.

  3. Eucalyptus planting has divers impact on both the church forest cover and the local economy
    Evidence

    Many interviewees reported that growing eucalyptus has great improved their economic situation.

    What it means

    Eucalyptus is increasingly being used as a means to financially support the communities but as a plant is very harmful for preservation of biodiversity. On the other hand, urban migration has brought in new financial resources that are invested in new buildings which can also lead to deforestation.

  4. Despite the strong belief that church forests are considered extension of churches, enforcement of sanctions by communities is weak.
    Evidence

    The indigenous model of church forest protection is based mainly on the existence of religious values and is largely an informal practice.

    What it means

    the punishment for trespassers are wrong doers is left mainly to the dive powers and is not strictly implemented, which strongly suggests religious connotation of the system, rather than community protection model found elsewhere.

  5. The preservation of church forests by local communities is based on religious belief that continues to be strong, however there are noticeable generational differences.
    Evidence

    Young people are less likely to care about the divine dimension of the forest, while they are still likely to care about the church as a socioreligious spaces.

    What it means

    This suggest that the most important aspect in the preservation model is the is the role of the forest as a gathering place for the congregation.

  6. National and international narratives about forest protection – grounded in concerns about cultural heritage, ecosystem services, and land productivity – are introducing new stakeholders to church forest protection. These include: NGOs and the scientific community as well as the Ethiopian government and the upper echelons of the EOTC.
    Evidence

    There has been initiative of building stone walls around church forests parameter intended to prevent cattle entering forests. However, several interviews confirm that church authorities like to have a wall as a marker of prestige rather than a real need.

    What it means

    This suggest that it is important to understand the sociocultural dynamic on the ground before introducing solutions.

  7. There is a difference in importance attached to natural forest, the so-called wof zerash, or weled, compare to planned forests.
    Evidence

    The actual role of birds in the creation of church forest is unclear, however, older

    priests explain the difference in importance between the naturally growing native trees and the forests planted from exotic species.

    McCann notes: “Christopher Clapham36 astutely observed that the species of endemic birds that evolved on the highlands are ground-dwelling, indicating a long period of open savanna habitat.”37

    What it means

    This suggested that planned forests is considered less valuable.

Proposed action

  1. Cooperation between local stakeholders and external actors

    Research combining ecology with the socio-cultural and economic context is aproductive direction to take

    It has to be understood how the forest is being used by the communities and through which practices and traditions they relate to the forest.

  2. External interventions should be carefully considered. If they do not integrate the ways in which the communities relate to their environment, they unlikely to work.

    Close cooperations between all stakeholders.

    Despite the emerging challenges, there is the potential for adaptations to the forest protection model. The new model may draw on existing narratives within the church related to nature and society relationships as well as communities’ demonstrated willingness to engage with external agents, who have recently grown in importance. The relatively “closed” church forest communities are now cultivating ties with entities outside of the community that have political and financial power and this development can be build upon. While connections between divinity and nature do not come easily to ordinary people’s minds, they are present in Ethiopian Orthodox tradition and present an opportunity for those who want to cultivate environmental values in rural Ethiopia.

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Acknowledgements

Special thanks to Caroline Rohr for preparation assistance

We would like to extend a special thank you to Caroline Rohr, for their invaluable contribution in assisting the preparation of this research summary.

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Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change

Cite this brief: Orlowska, Izabela. 'Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change'. Acume. https://www.acume.org/r/ethiopian-church-forests-a-socio-religious-conservation-model-under-change/

Brief created by: Dr Izabela Orlowska | Year brief made: 2023

Original research:

  • Klepeis, P., & Orlowska, I., ‘Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change’ 12(4), pp. 674–695 https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659. – https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659
  • Klepeis, P., & Orlowska, I., ‘Ethiopian Church Forests: A Hybrid Model of Protection’ 44, pp. 715–730 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-016-9868-z. – https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10745-016-9868-z

Research brief:

This study investigates church forests in northern Ethiopia. It sheds light on how these dynamic socio-religious spaces preserve these unique surviving pockets of the endemic native forests, but at the same time present a threat to its survival. It contributes to the understanding of the little known interaction between church forest communities and their environment.

Some of the remaining native trees in Ethiopia are forests surrounding churches of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church. Although these remming patches of biodiversity have survived for centuries, they face a number of threats as well as new opportunities due to changes in the economic well-being and social practices of the communities that attend those churches and actively use their forest for socioreligious practices.

This study was motivated by the need to better understand the connection between religiously motivated practices that appear to have resulted in the survival of the native trees in this part of Ethiopia.

Findings:

Church forests are protected as a direct result of a unique socio-religious conservation model based on traditional belief system of the Ethiopian Tewahdo Orthodox Church that considers church forests extensions of churches, infused with the divine powers radiating from the core of the church. The preservation of these forests is not an active act of ecological preservation.

Today there are some 8,000 church forests in the Amhara Regional State, located in the highlands of northern Ethiopia. In a 30,000 km2 section of the South Gondar Zone, located in the geographic center of the State, church forests have an average size of around 5 ha.13 While only four out of 1,022 church forests disappeared from within this swath between 1962 and 2012, suggesting stability in ecological conditions, there was an average 16.9% decrease in crown closure over the same time period and signs of significant human disturbance (e.g. trails, gravestones, structures, gathering areas, planted exotic tree species, and weedy taxa) are plentiful in a representative sample of 29 church forests. In addition, in the 1930s there was a buffer of bushland between the church forest edge and surrounding agricultural and grazing land, which has since dis- appeared and that may threaten the ecological integrity of the church forest.

This new and a key funding sets Ethiopian church forests apart from other natural sacred place, where often the trees or other natural landmarks are believed to have supernatural qualities. The evidence suggest that church forests are not in acute danger as the existing tradition model seems to have preserved the forests quite well, but there is evidence of change and an increase of new practices (such as eucalyptus planting) that might threaten church forest in the near future.

Church forest communities have preserved core religious ideas allowing forest protection throughout their history

Church forest grounds are used regularly and in specific ways by the congregation,whose members organise themselves into associations (mehabirs) affiliated with a particu- lar saint. Mehabir members meet within the forest to celebrate a chosen patron saint and to commemorate them by feasting together. Feeding others and providing drink is seen as a way to worship saints and help the dead in their arduous journey to heaven.

this suggest durability and strength of the existing interaction between church forests communities and they environment.

Research on commensality (eating and drink- ing together) shows that it is a catalyst for other forms of cooperation and strengthens social capital, which is consistent with our argument that church forests help foster social capital in the community.church forests are places where the social and the spiritual merge, which creates an environment conducive to strong social capital. They are places of interaction with neighbours, saints, and secular authorities and form the central place for local communities.

Eucalyptus planting has divers impact on both the church forest cover and the local economy

Many interviewees reported that growing eucalyptus has great improved their economic situation.

Eucalyptus is increasingly being used as a means to financially support the communities but as a plant is very harmful for preservation of biodiversity. On the other hand, urban migration has brought in new financial resources that are invested in new buildings which can also lead to deforestation.

Despite the strong belief that church forests are considered extension of churches, enforcement of sanctions by communities is weak.

The indigenous model of church forest protection is based mainly on the existence of religious values and is largely an informal practice.

the punishment for trespassers are wrong doers is left mainly to the dive powers and is not strictly implemented, which strongly suggests religious connotation of the system, rather than community protection model found elsewhere.

The preservation of church forests by local communities is based on religious belief that continues to be strong, however there are noticeable generational differences.

Young people are less likely to care about the divine dimension of the forest, while they are still likely to care about the church as a socioreligious spaces.

This suggest that the most important aspect in the preservation model is the is the role of the forest as a gathering place for the congregation.

National and international narratives about forest protection – grounded in concerns about cultural heritage, ecosystem services, and land productivity – are introducing new stakeholders to church forest protection. These include: NGOs and the scientific community as well as the Ethiopian government and the upper echelons of the EOTC.

There has been initiative of building stone walls around church forests parameter intended to prevent cattle entering forests. However, several interviews confirm that church authorities like to have a wall as a marker of prestige rather than a real need.

This suggest that it is important to understand the sociocultural dynamic on the ground before introducing solutions.

There is a difference in importance attached to natural forest, the so-called wof zerash, or weled, compare to planned forests.

The actual role of birds in the creation of church forest is unclear, however, older

priests explain the difference in importance between the naturally growing native trees and the forests planted from exotic species.

McCann notes: “Christopher Clapham36 astutely observed that the species of endemic birds that evolved on the highlands are ground-dwelling, indicating a long period of open savanna habitat.”37

This suggested that planned forests is considered less valuable.

Advice:

Cooperation between local stakeholders and external actors

    • It has to be understood how the forest is being used by the communities and through which practices and traditions they relate to the forest.

External interventions should be carefully considered. If they do not integrate the ways in which the communities relate to their environment, they unlikely to work.

    • Despite the emerging challenges, there is the potential for adaptations to the forest protection model. The new model may draw on existing narratives within the church related to nature and society relationships as well as communities’ demonstrated willingness to engage with external agents, who have recently grown in importance. The relatively “closed” church forest communities are now cultivating ties with entities outside of the community that have political and financial power and this development can be build upon.
      While connections between divinity and nature do not come easily to ordinary people’s minds, they are present in Ethiopian Orthodox tradition and present an opportunity for those who want to cultivate environmental values in rural Ethiopia.
Peer Reviewed

"Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change"

Cite paper

Klepeis, P., & Orlowska, I., ‘Ethiopian church forests: a socio-religious conservation model under change’ 12(4), pp. 674–695 https://doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659.

2018 · Journal of Eastern African Studies · pp. 674-695Find full paper →DOI: 10.1080/17531055.2018.1519659
Co-authors
Peter Klepeis
Methodology
This is a mixed methods research.

Mixed methods included fieldwork in South Gondar (Figure 1) and archival research. Starting in October 2013, we conducted research in the local language of Amharic at five church forests. This study included extensive interviews and informal conversations with community members (clergy and laymen of both sexes).

Fieldwork was planned around key religious celebrations in the Orthodox calendar in order to observe socio-religious activities. The interviews were recorded and transcribed. This ethnographic work enabled the team to identify emic categories driving change dynamics instead of relying solely on the discourse about sacred forests and community-based protection models in the existing literature.

Questions drawn from this early stage of exploratory research served as the basis for subsequent semi-structured interviews in 29 sites between November 2014 and January 2015. A total of 157 people were interviewed, including priests, forest and church guards, local government officials, and male and female farmers of variable age. The percentages mentioned below refer to these semi-structured interviews.

Funding

The Picker Interdisciplinary Science Institute at Colgate University and the U.S. National Science Foundation (Grant # 1518501) funded the research.

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